And the administration isn’t six months old.
If I remain skeptical about GOP panic, look to the numbers. The GOP’s got them. To advance articles of impeachment, an impressive wave of voter disgust would have to decimate the Republican’s House majority next year. Losses in the special elections in Georgia and Montana might contribute to the psy ops. And the GOP would have to join Senate Democrats, where a trial would take place. Congress was headed in this direction in the summer of 1974 until a delegation of the president’s own party led by Barry Goldwater and Senate majority leader Hugh Scott informed Richard Nixon that he had lost what remained of his GOP support (I’ll note also that Nixon’s relations with Congress were as dismal as Trump’s; American autocrats sooner or later need Congress).
The other thing to note, again, is that Mike Pence may have assuaged evangelicals, but the GOP didn’t keep the Senate or win the White House because districts in western Pennsylvania wanted Pence’s indispensable nodding. In the extraordinary chance that Trump resigns or is impeached, it’s likelier that Pence would sign horrible GOP legislation that will kill people, but this assumes, first, that the GOP wouldn’t be rubble and, secondly, that Pence wouldn’t lose the bloc of voters for whom Donald J. Trump is Ronald Reagan as Michael Jackson in 1983. A Pence-led ticket in 2020 would lose: not only is he as charismatic as a gizzards left in the sun, but should he sign the deadly legislation the Dems would have a stackful of campaign ads ready. This presumes Democratic organization mirroring the blocs behind the anti-Bush grass roots of 2006 and Barack Obama in 2008, of course. Never overestimate the Democrats’ chances.
Finally, I’m in no hurry to read Comey’s memos. Whatever else, the man demonstrates why he’s survived in DC: keep teasing.